Galloping Across the U.S.A.: Horses in American Life (Transportation in America)
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Since then people from all over the world have enjoyed this unique experience. He travelled initially to the UK to study with Kelly Marks, then to the Monty Roberts International Learning Center in California to further his education in this trust based non-violent way of training horses and qualified as a Certified Monty Roberts Instructor in Ailise represents the third generation at Drummindoo Stud. She has competed in showing, showjumping and hunter trials as well as going fox hunting and has a lot of practical experience.
She is in demand for turning horses out to a high standard and has prepared some for international competition. When not studying or working with young horses she helps out on the Clew Bay Trail Ride. She loves riding on the trail, getting to know people and taking photos of participants. She can even shoot video from a galloping horse. Her plans are to travel abroad to learn more about horses and become an all round equestrian. His family association with horses goes back generations. Paddy Joe's grandfather who lived in the small village of Aughagower, just outside Westport provided transport for the local priest by horse and sidecar in this vast parish.
Paddy Joe has a keen interest in driving and provides a horse drawn carriage service for special events. Paddy Joe's career spans decades. Initially he stood stallions and exported horses and ponies internationally. In he developed a horse riding service at Drummindoo Stud.
When we say "self-made", we usually mean a businessperson who, starting from scratch, has made a lot of money. Charles Seymour did not mean that. Of his sixty subjects, very few were newly rich entrepreneurs. Instead, most of them were scientists, inventors, and statesmen. They represented the kind of individuals, Seymour believed, who were making the world anew during an era of industrial revolution, geographical expansion, and knowledge explosion.
For the characters in Seymour's book, the creation of their own identities had been the first step in their energetic innovation and constructive accomplishments. They had been able to reshape their world, because they had first made themselves.
As we've seen, public education was a significant political issue at that time. Ever since the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century, Protestants had emphasized the duty of Bible-reading, which of course implied the fundamental role of literacy in leading a good Christian life. In nineteenth-century America, this religious argument for public education was supplemented by secular arguments. Education could help prepare people for the rapidly multiplying job opportunities. But those advocates of public education, led by the remarkable Horace Mann, were not interested in simply creating automatons to serve a growing economy.
They also wanted to provide enriched opportunity for citizens to broaden their horizons to develop an active awareness of public issues, and to develop their own personal potential. They wanted to nurture a responsible citizenry for a democratic republic. Besides schools, many other institutions reflected this broad-based desire for self-help and self-improvement: Chautauquas, Lyceums, Mechanics' Institutes.
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One of the greatest exemplars of the new urge for self-development turned out to be the man whom a brand new political party elected president in Abraham Lincoln. It's ironic, because Lincoln had grown up on a frontier with practically no formal schooling available to him. Even though his family did not encourage him to do so, the young Lincoln set out on a quest for self-improvement, and undertook to shape his own character.
One aspect of that character, for which Lincoln became justly famous, was honesty. Without the visual media of today, Lincoln developed himself through reading. Conscious as he was of the limitations of his rural environment, he might have read for escape—but he did not. Instead, he read for discipline. He read not only to learn what others had thought and said, but to find out how they did it. He read in order to learn how to think and speak and act for himself. He sought out books about thinking, books about geometry and grammar, and the hard conundrums of free will and determinism.
He read the same few books over and over, making a virtue of necessity, of course. But this way, he absorbed their lessons into his very being. People like Lincoln venerated the ideal of improvement. They used the word "improvement" to describe purposeful changes in the material environment—digging canals, dredging harbors, and building lighthouses—those things were called "internal improvements. Here's a phrase: "she has improved herself by reading books. May we today, following the example of people like Lincoln, apply the noble ideal of personal improvement in our own teaching, and in our own personal lives.
I'm choosing to begin not with the outbreak of the Civil War, and not really with the end of the Civil War, but instead in , when Northerners and Southerners came to recognize that the United States was embarking on a second American Revolution. The revolution was not the Civil War itself. The Civil War, for all its vast changes—the conquest of the Confederacy, the end of slavery, the creation of a federal government, the so-called Yankee Leviathan of the size and power never before witnessed in this country—had only created the conditions for the revolution.
The revolution will be legally contained in the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution, and the legislation that enabled them. Senator Lyman Trumbull of Illinois summarized the impact of that legislation by saying it guaranteed to all citizens the fundamental rights belonging to every man as a free man: the right to make contracts, to sue in court, to be sure that the state would protect their property and person. When the Fifteenth Amendment passed, the revolution secured, or supposedly secured, universal male suffrage. The revolution changed the relations of individual citizens to the federal government.
What it sought to do was create a homogeneous citizenry—one where the basic rights and liberties of all citizens were the same no matter where you [were] in the United States, and the federal government would guarantee and enforce those rights. It would not eliminate discrimination—women could not vote—but it did outlaw discrimination on the basis of race and previous conditions of servitude.
These were the broad legal boundaries of the revolution, but the cultural and social intent of the revolution went way beyond this. It took its inspirations from the free labor vision of American society that was embodied in the antebellum Republican Party, but it radicalized that vision by relying on a powerful federal government to extend a social ideal that the country associated with the North, particularly the Midwest, and impose it by force, if necessary, on the South and on the West.
The North had every intent to remake the entire country over in its own image. The paradox of all this was that the North wanted to change the country while it remained largely as it was, or imagined itself to be, and this would prove impossible. The best way to get a sense of this situation is to turn to an iconic moment: Abraham Lincoln's funeral in the spring of This is Washington, DC [in] after Lincoln's assassination—the capital, the city is draped in black.
It's a funeral that took fifteen days, and it's a good marker of what the Civil War changed, and what the immediate future would bring. It's the kind of event where Americans can't help but read deep meanings into this. The next Wednesday, April 19, the nation began what would be a funeral that stretched over miles.
Its first phase is in Washington, DC, and it could be taken as a symbol of how much the country had changed in the four years of the Civil War. It was fitting that they were there for they would have been unimaginable four years earlier. It was equally fitting that they were there by accident. They'd just arrived and in the confusion of setting up the parade, they inadvertently went to the front of the line and marched first.
The Army didn't put them there on purpose. In many ways, the nation was still unprepared for armed black men. Among the dignitaries behind the hearse, carrying the coffin, was General Ulysses S. Grant would be elected president in , and in some ways became the quintessential Gilded Age president. He was a man whom the war had made. Like many of the men who had fought in the war on both sides, the war would never leave him. And like many on both sides, the rest of his life would be a disappointing second act.
The war had changed the American state that Grant served. In the vast funeral procession where column after column of Army detachments, among them wounded soldiers—some on crutches. Recent scholarship has increased our knowledge of the cost of this war. Two percent of the American population died in the Civil War. Twenty-five percent of military-aged men in the South were either dead or incapacitated at the end of the war.
The next year, after Lincoln's funeral, , Mississippi would spend twenty percent of its state revenues on artificial limbs.
American Quarter Horse
There were thirty bands with their drums muffled. They were but a small detachment of a mighty state—the Yankee Leviathan—that had crushed the Confederacy. The republic had never seen its like before, and it instilled both pride and fear. But as militarily and legally powerful as the federal government was, it lacked effective administrative power. Its bureaucracies were small and often corrupt. It would have to have to find other means to enforce its policies. And in this procession, too, were tens of thousands of civilian mourners, among them, again, African Americans, no longer slaves, but not yet citizens—although soon to be.
A portion of them forty abreast with silk hats and white gloves walked, but in all there were four thousand, line after line, holding hands as they marched. And this too was unimaginable before the war: freed slaves, African American troops, a mighty modern army, a newly-powerful state with paradoxically little administrative capacity, a generation touched by fire.
This was the massive change brought by the war itself. The North had fought the war ultimately to end slavery and decide between two different versions of the Union—the North, and the South. In the face of resistance in the South to the end of slavery, the North pushed for a revolution to secure the fruits of victory.
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The country as a whole would become like the ideal North—a nation of free labor, contract freedom, largely laissez-faire economics, and rough equality. To get a sense of the country they thought they secured, we need to follow the funeral train, because the funeral did not end in Washington, DC. It departed Washington, DC, on Friday, April 21, intentionally retracing Lincoln's original journey to the capital to become president, back to his hometown, Springfield, Illinois, which he departed on the verge of the Civil War.
It was a touching trip, although hardly one without problems. The weather was often terrible, and there [were riots] as people sought to get a view of the body in Philadelphia, Baltimore, New York, and Chicago. Hundreds of thousands would turn out to see the martyred president. But the core of the trip was really through places where the train did not even stop, the smaller towns and rural areas where farmers halted their ploughs in the fields, took off their hats, and watched the train go by.
Day and night, as the train went by, lines of people lined the track to watch, to mourn, and to stage what they used to do in the nineteenth century, these tableaux, which would be people dressed up as symbolic figures—in this case, it would be thirty-six young girls in white dresses with black sashes, symbolizing the thirty-six states, the nation, in mourning.
The lilacs were in bloom in late April, and as his funeral train made its journey, and for years afterwards, many Americans would always associate the smell of lilacs with Lincoln's death. The long funeral journey seemed a conscious effort to reverse time, to restore Lincoln to the world that had molded him and the values he had fought the war to maintain and to expand.
The organizers went out of their way to find the relics of the original trip. In New York, they found the original engine, and throughout the trip they tried to get the original crews of the trains that had brought Lincoln to Washington, DC. As it was in the North in , so it was to be in the nation as a whole in The people who flocked to see Lincoln's train were the template of the future Union: as it was in the North, so it would be in the South and the West.
These farms, workshops, and stores the train passed were the hallmarks of free labor and contract freedom. And contract freedom and free labor were to be the ideological touchstones of much of the era that followed. The North saw itself as individualistic, egalitarian, and liberal—in opposition to a patriarchal, hierarchical, and traditional South that it had vanquished, and whose values it would erase and replace with its own. This was the goal of Reconstruction. Free labor was the antithesis of slave labor, but more than that, it assumed a society of independent producers, and a competitive economy.
It seemed the logical corollary to Lincoln's Republicanism, who in his own words, the sheet anchor, he said the leading principle was that, "No man is good enough to govern another man without that other's consent. This society of individualist, capitalist values, where free labor produced not supposedly a society of rich and poor, but a middling society. Lincoln was coming home. And home was a word with incredible resonance in the nineteenth century. It might be the most powerful symbol of the Gilded Age of the late nineteenth century.
It shaped ideas of manhood—a man was not just a male, a man was somebody who could support a family and create a home. It shaped, too, ideas of womanhood—the home was gendered, the domestic space became a female space, but much of the nineteenth century would witness an expansion of the home, the imperial home, as more and more public space was seen as the logical extension of the home. It was what would make Frances Willard, of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, one of the most influential political figures of the late nineteenth century. Manhood was in the nineteenth century virtually always white manhood.
One of the great struggles of Reconstruction was whether black men could be men. The Midwest embodied the idea of roughly equal white men maintaining homes and families. One of the most mundane documents captures this idea of a free labor society. It comes, in this case, from the year before the Civil War. It is the manuscript census for Springfield, Illinois, in Next door to the Lincolns lived D. Snow and his wife Margaret. They had two sons, four and two. He had no occupation and no property. Bricklayers, lawyers, livery stable owner, man with no profession and no wealth, all living near each other.
Bricklayer and lawyer had equivalent wealth, although the lawyer was about to become President of the United States. Lincoln was one of the richest men in Springfield, but he wasn't very rich, and now he returned, the martyred president, to the world of the Midwest, particularly Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, that encapsulated the society that he, and most American soldiers, were fighting the Civil War to save. It had produced him, and he had come to symbolize it. And this is what is so fascinating about the trip.
The world that mourned Lincoln, the society that seemed so triumphant, was itself vanishing, vanishing as surely as the South that it had vanquished. In fighting a war against treason and slavery, they had ended the old plantation system, eradicated slavery, and settled the question about the nature of the Union, but in winning the war they had also set in motion and were accelerating changes that were going to transform the North. This world of free labor and small producers would partially endure over much of the Midwest and middle border into the late nineteenth century, but it was fading, and it was fading fast.
It would endure more as an ideal, an iconic representation, of the United States. The future was an industrial, urban America that these people had never, ever imagined. The Civil War was a triumph of the Republican Party, a sectional party with a very clear ideology: Lincoln's ideology.
And here it is worth pausing to consider this is one of the few times where a section of the country has achieved such complete dominance over the rest of the country, and seems to have the ability to make its view of the world stand for an American view of the world. It is also one of the few times that a single political party has been so dominant—perhaps in , perhaps in And it forms a kind of test case of the ability of both a section and a party to shape the country according to the view of the world. And they can't do it—not very easily. The Republicans had already begun to put their ideology into practice during the Civil War through the Emancipation Proclamation, the Homestead Act, land grants for the transcontinental railroads, the Morrill Act to establish public universities, a new banking system, a high tariff to protect industry, and more.
And now the Republicans wanted to carry these programs into the South as well as the West. They wanted to forge a homogenous American citizenry where black people would have homes that would replicate the same kind of ideal that we see in the Midwest. Most freedmen hoped that they would receive land and the means to work it. They would not get it. In the West, greater Reconstruction meant that Indian peoples would have to give up existing ways of life, adopt ways of life identical to whites immigrating into their lands, surrender their common lands to the United States, and in turn receive small farms and fee simple.
This would be the aim of the Dawes Act, an absolute disaster passed in Indians would surrender their children to attend Indian schools.
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If they resisted, they would be subject to force, just as white Southerners who resisted would be subject to force. And exercising part of that force in both the South and the West would be African American soldiers, some of them Civil War veterans. The lands Indians gave up would be redistributed to both immigrants and American citizens. John Gast's lithograph, American Progress , captures the link between technology, ideology, and ecology.